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Feb '09


Julius Nyerere was one of the great leaders of Black Africa, which will go down in history as the father of socialism “to the African.” Unlike other heads of state, born of decolonization, he refused to trace the development model of Western civilization taken or be liable for payment of communism, trying to remove his people from the vicious circle of dependence and foreign determination.
Popularly known as “Mwalimu” (teacher in Kiswahili language) led his country to independence in 1961 and was proclaimed the first president of the Republic of Tanganyika in 1962, which was renamed Tanzania after two years after joining Zanzibar. Long before Robert McNamara to speak on the importance of rural development, President Nyerere made it the core of the strategy for Tanzania, the Arusha Declaration in 1967. With the creation of “Ujamaa” communities or voluntary and democratic association of farmers to cultivate the land, laid the foundations of socialism “to the African.” The rest of the economic sectors: trade, industry, transport and banks were nationalized. His priority was to achieve economic self-sufficiency.
Its policy does not prevent that Tanzania was one of the poorest countries but it served to cement the unity of a nation divided by ancient tribal disputes through the development of education and health. Nyerere is for Tanzanians the “father of the fatherland”, the symbol of unity as an example of coexistence among different religions and ethnic groups in the troubled Great Lakes region. Harvest achievements in education and health (80 of the population was literate and had access to health services), but demonstrated little ability to promote economically viable proposals Tanzania. Nyerere himself to show honesty and candor admitted that they attribute the failure of its collectivist project ten years after “Tanzania is certainly neither socialist nor self-sufficient.” The war against Uganda on 80 just to Idi Amin, has accelerated the ruin of the country. The speech was applauded by the international community to fulfill its promise to help defray the expenses caused by the conflict.
During the Cold War, Nyerere was able to maintain a difficult balance between the two blocs, which allowed him to get help from the United States and the USSR, China or the Scandinavian countries.
It was the first postcolonial leader who voluntarily give up power in 1985 for not wanting to submit to the dictates of the IMF on the implementation of austerity policies in terms of social investment that could save the country’s macroeconomic balance. Faced with pressure from the IMF, chose the resignation:
“I could not perform the task I had set: end poverty, hunger, disease, ignorance has only been defeated. I can not continue to lead a country that is obliged to beg his food.”
This gesture earned him the respect of the Tanzanian people to recognize the virtue, unlike other African heads of state, not to ever take advantage of his position to enrich themselves personally. They say he returned to his home with a bike and an old tractor.
In its twenty five years of Nyerere government reached a great popularity inside and outside its borders, both as a defender of the interests of his country and of other African states. Of pan-Africanism has been inspiring, guiding the Non-Aligned Movement during the Cold War and the struggle against apartheid, support for liberation movements as the African National Congress of Nelson Mandela. Sono with Pan as a response to international challenges of the continent, but had to resign with an Organization of African Unity (OAU), which was founded in 1963 and only has the name of union, all the articles tended to preserve the continuity of the colonial states and their borders aberrant, with the majority of argument that it was preferable not to touch any of the structures inherited not rise to conflicts. In this way, the most prominent anti leaders welcomed pleasure sharing africa consummated at the Conference of Berlin, back in 1885.
Following its withdrawal from active politics was asked by various organizations and states to arbitrate conflicts in Central and Eastern Africa. Until his death, Nyerere has chaired the peace talks in rhus, which aimed at ending the ethnic conflict in neighboring Burundi, which are now frozen.
Desde distintos foros internacionales, ha alertado a sus colegas estadistas sobre la equivocada suposicion de que el Norte pueda ofrecer todas las soluciones a los problemas africanos y hasta el final ha levantado la bandera de la unidad y cooperacion regional frente al afropesimismo que se ha extendido como a plague, both in the West and in the same africa.

State Building & Democracy in Southern Africa: A Comparative Study of Botswana, South Africa & Zimbabwe by Pierre Du Toit (Paperback – Jun 1, 1995)

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